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Vital History Lesson 

Called: BEHIND COMMUNISM  -  Part  4


10/2/93 #2   HATONN



I had wished to go on with our lessons in another direction but Dharma cried, "Halt, don't you dare do this to us!"  Like you, I suppose, every time she THINKS she has the Bolsheviks figured out and some of the players in line-up--POOF!--up in smoke.

Since it is SUPPOSED to confuse you and send your senses reeling like a spinning top, I am not sure I can help you.  It is the "greater" understanding through the "concept" of illusion that is intended.  For instance, to call a form of government which is totally totalitarian and fascist socialism--"Communism" is a good example of the subterfuge.  To call Lucifer, the evil leader into darkness, the "bright and morning star", or "Prince of Light" and other "LIGHTED AND GODLY GOOD LABELS" is typical of your adversary.

When you can recognize the anti-Christed god from the players in the physical game--you will recognize the LIES and, after all, is that not that to which we aspire in our growth path?  YOU MUST RECOGNIZE A "THING" FOR WHAT IT IS--BY ITS ACTIONS AND CHARACTERISTIC ENERGY FORMS AND NOT ATTENDED LABELS OR CUTE NAMES.  Remember--a rose is a rose--and calling it a lilac will not make it so!

I guess, however, that since curiosity is the better part of teaching and desire must be present to "learn"--let us catch this one while it is hot and perhaps our understanding can be then more easily extended to our current "players".


Dharma, I believe one of the best outlays on the subject is right from the same source we have been utilizing--BEHIND COMMUNISM.  Let us then continue and see how it unfolds and if, indeed, enough historical data is present.  "Bolshevik" and "Bolshevism" are the SAME THING as that foisted off on any civilization in any era efforting to take control.  Therefore, the "game" will be called by many names, but in Russia, it was obviously called Bolshevism.  Since you have such a confrontation (right now unseen) with these players, we shall focus on Russia.


We must, for the moment, turn our attention to a group of revolutionary exiled who are important to this story because they and their disciples eventually became the rulers of Communist Russia.  The head of this group, and the man who is generally recognized as Lenin's teacher, was George Plekhanov, a Gentile.

Plekhanov had fled Russia in the 1880s and settled in Switzerland.  There, with the aid of Vera Zasulich, Leo Deutch, and P. Axelrod--all Jews--he had formed the Marxist "Group of Emancipation of Labor", and until 1901, was recognized as the leader of the group.


Lenin (REAL NAME: Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) was born on the banks of the Volga in the provincial city of Simbirsk, in 1870.  He was born to a station of comparative privilege, being the son of a government official whose title of "Actual State Counsellor" carried with it the privilege of hereditary nobility.  Lenin's father did not, himself, inherit the title, but acquired it as a reward for services as a school supervisor.

By every rule "Lenin" should have become a respected member of Russian society.  He was of middle-class background, was university educated, and was admitted to the practice of law.  That he did not do so can be ascribed in part to the fate of his older brother, Alexander, who, in 1887, was executed for participating in an attempt on the life of Tsar Alexander lll.  This is said to have influenced Lenin to take up the career of a professional revolutionary.

In any event, the year of 1895 finds young Lenin--then 25--meeting in Switzerland with the leaders of the "Group of the Emancipation of Labor".  Shortly thereafter, he returned to Russia in the company of young Julius Martov (Tsederbaum), a Jew who had already become prominent as an agitator in the Pale of Settlement and who was one day to become the leader of the Menshevik faction.  Their purpose was to raise funds for revolutionary activity.

In Petersburg, they became involved in a series of strikes that swept the city in 1895, and in the autumn of the same year Lenin, Martov, and a number of others were convicted and sent to prison for sedition.

In February of 1897, Lenin completed his prison term and began his period of exile in Siberia.  He was permitted to travel to Siberia at his own expense and took with him his Jewish wife Krupsakaya and her Yiddish-speaking mother.

It should be explained that, contrary to popular belief, political exiles--unless convicted of a criminal act--were not imprisoned in Siberia; rather, they were paroled there.  In exile, the government provided a pension, sufficient, usually, to maintain an existence.  To supplement this, the exile sometimes sought local employment (Trotzky worked as a bookkeeper) or they got funds from friends and family.  Lenin received a government allowance of 7 rubles 40 kopeks monthly, "enough to pay for room, board, and laundry".  (Lenin [abridgment] by Donald P. Geddes, page 26, by David Shub, New American Library, 1950, Mentor Books).

While in Siberia, exile Lenin, Martov, and an accomplice, Patresov, formulated an idea of an "All Russian Newspaper" which would serve to combine the thought and energies of the entire revolutionary movement.  The Marxists in 1900, as at all times in the future, were divided and subdivided into a great many factions.  Lenin's idea was to weld these various factions into a single organization.

An interesting note: In Switzerland, Axelrod eked out an existence by peddling yogurt and Plekhanov is said to have addressed letters for an income.  BUT, THE FOUNDERS AND LEADERS OF COMMUNISM WERE NOT PROLETARIANS.  ALMOST WITHOUT EXCEPTION, THEY WERE HIGHLY EDUCATED JEWISH INTELLECTUALS, FEW OF WHOM HAD EVER PERFORMED A USEFUL DAY'S LABOR!


In February of 1900, Lenin was released from exile and applied for, and got, permission to go to Switzerland.  In Geneva, he joined the "Group for the Emancipation of Labor" and in December, the Group began the publication Iskra (The Spark).  The establishment of Iskra marked the beginning of Russian Marxism as an organized movement and the beginning of Lenin's role as a party leader.

The editorial board consisted of the "oldsters", Plekhanov, Zasuilich, Axelrod, and their disciples Lenin, Potresov, and Martov.  Lenin's Jewish wife, Krupsakaya was the board's secretary.  Later, in 1902, young Trotzky (Bronstein) joined the editorial board but without voting privileges.  Four of the above--Martov, Axelrod, Zasulich, and Trotzky--were Jews, while Plekhanov, Lenin, and Petresov were Gentile.  The editorial board thus contained four Jews and three Gentiles, but since Trotzky was without a vote, and since Plekhanov had retained 2 votes, the voting strength was exactly reversed, with the Jews having 3 votes to the Gentile's 4.

It is interesting to note the editorial contributions of the first 45 editions of Iskra.  The largest number of articles were written by Martov, who contributed 39.  Next was Lenin, who wrote 32 articles, followed by Plekhanov with 24, Petresov with 8, and Axelrod with 4.  In addition, articles were written by Parvus, Trotzky, and Rosa Luxenberg, all of whom were Jews.  It is worth recording that the only other revolutionary paper in existence at this time was Rabochee Delo (Workers' Cause), organ of the "Economist" faction of whom the Jew, Theodore Dan was the editor.

Iskrawas actually printed in Munich, Germany.  For a time, the editorial board met in London but in 1903, it was moved back to Geneva.  From there, copies of Iskra were smuggled into Russia by ship up an underground organization of professional revolutionaries, first known as "Iskrists", and later as Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.


In 1903, a Unification Congress convened in Brussels, Belgium.  Its purpose was to unite the various Marxist groups into the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, which technically had been formed in 1898, but which had failed to bring unity.

Altogether, 60 voting delegates attended, four of who were or had been, workers.  The rest were mostly Jewish intellectuals.

 Represented were the groups that had formed the party in 1898: The Jewish Bund, the Georgian Social Democrats, and the Group for Emancipation of Labor, now identified as "Iskraists".  The Maximalist's newspaper, Rabochee Delo was also represented by 3 delegates.  These groups, their leaders, and their disciples made the revolution of 1917.  Here, Communism as we know it was born.

In early August, the Belgium Police deported a number of delegates and the Unification Congress moved en-masse to England where it convened from August 11th to the 23rd.  One very important outcome of the congress was the ideological split which divided the Iskraists into two camps: The Bolsheviks (majority faction), headed by Lenin, and the Mensheviks (minority faction), headed by Martov.

The final act of the congress was to elect Lenin, Plekhanov, and Martov to the editorial board of Iskra.  This new board of three never actually functioned due to the hostility between Martov and Lenin.  After issue No. 53, Lenin resigned, leaving it in the hands of Martov, Plekhanov, Axelrod, Zasulich, and Petresov, the latter three being admitted to the board following Lenin's resignation.

Although Lenin's faction clung to the Bolshevik label, they did not at any time command a real majority in the party.  Lenin had temporarily been able to dominate the Unification Congress when the Jewish Bund's delegation had walked out in a huff over party policy.  Because Lenin had been temporarily able to martial a majority of the remaining delegates to his support, his faction had been identified as the Bolshevik, or majority faction and always, thereafter, Lenin and his followers were known as Bolsheviks.  It is important to note that this Bolshevik-Menshevik split was among the Iskraists only.  The two other major factions of the party--Rosa Luxenberg's Polish Social Democrats and the Jewish Bund--were neither Bolshevik nor Menshevik, although both factions usually teamed-up with the Mensheviks on party policy.  (In 1917, however, BOTH THE POLISH PARTY AND THE JEWISH BUND MERGED INTO THE BOLSHEVIK FACTION.)


The 1905 revolution came unexpectedly.  Jewish agitators, seizing upon the discontent engendered by Russia's defeat by the Japanese, and capitalizing on the "Bloody Sunday" incident--which we have already described--fanned the flames of insurrection into being what was to be a dress rehearsal of the 1917 revolution.

The revolt, coming so quickly on the heels of the Bloody Sunday incident, caught the party leadership by surprise.  Lenin was in Geneva and did not return to Petersburg until October--shortly before the Petersburg Soviet was organized.  Martov, the Menshevik leader, returned at the same time.  Rosa Luxenberg arrived in December, by which time the insurrection had ended. Axelrod got only as far as Finland and Plekhanov never returned at all.  The 1905 revolution was principally led by second-string leaders, virtually all of whom were identified with the Mensheviks.

Trotzky, alone, of the top leadership, had sensed the significance of "Bloody Sunday" and, at the first word of revolution, he and a Jewish compatriot, Parvus, had struck out for Petersburg.

Using the pseudonym Yanovsky, he very quickly became a leading member of the Soviet and by the end of October was generally recognized as the most influential member of the Executive Committee.  In addition, he edited (with Parvus) the Menshevik organ, Nachato.  Later, under the pseudonym "Peter Petrovich", he edited the Russian Gazeta.  On December 9, as we have previously related, he was elected president of the Petersburg Soviet and, following his arrest, Parvus assumed leadership of the revolt.

Although Lenin had been in St. Petersburg throughout the life of the Petersburg Soviet, neither he nor any member of his faction played a prominent role in its activities.  When the 300 members of the Soviet were finally arrested, not a single prominent Bolshevik was among them.  The revolution of 1905 was strictly a Menshevik operation.


In 1907 (Mau 13-June 1), a fifth Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor party was held, this time in London.  This was by all accounts the most impressive one of all and it was the last one held before the 1917 revolution.  Represented at the Congress were:

The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin--91 delegates;

The Mensheviks, led by Martov and Dan--89 delegates;

The Polish Social Democrats, led by Rosa Luxenberg--44 delegates;

The Jewish Bund, led by Rafael Abromovitch and M.I.Lieber--55 delegates;

the Lettish Social Democrats, led by "Comrade Herman" (Denishevisky).

Altogether, there were 312 delegates to the Congress, of them,116 were, or had been, workers.  Dominating the Congress were the great names of the party: there were the founders of the movement, Plekhanov, Axelrod, Deutch, and Zasulich--who after 1907, played roles of diminishing importance in party affairs--and their disciples, Lenin, Martov, Dan (Gurvich), and Trotzky.  There were Abromovitch, and Lieber (Goldman) of the Bund, and Rosa Luxenberg, the latter one day being destined to lead a revolution of her own in Germany.  Present also were Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Stalin, none of who were important in 1907 but who are listed here because one day they would be the three most powerful men in Russia.  Significantly, all of those named WERE JEWISH, excepting Lenin (who married into the Jewish circle), Plekhanov, and STALIN.

Perhaps one of the most important matters taken up by the London Congress was the bitterly controversial question of "expropriations".  It should be explained that Lenin's Bolshevik faction had, to an increasing degree, resorted to outlawry to replenish its finances.  Robbery, kidnapping, and theft became regular party activities.  And on one occasion a loyal Bolshevik married a rich widow to secure funds for the party treasury.  These activities were referred to in party circles as "expropriations".  The most famous expropriation was the Tiflis Bank robbery, engineered by young Joseph Stalin shortly after the London Congress.

The Mensheviks bitterly criticized these tactics, while Lenin stoutly defended them as a necessary means of raising capital.  The "expropriation" question broke out again and again as a point of contention between the two factions.  Actually, a great deal of Lenin's strength came from this source.  With money thus raised, he was able to pay the traveling expenses of delegates to these various congresses, and this gave him a voting power which was probably out of proportion to his following.  Lenin's opposition to the expropriation question came not only from Martov's Menshevik faction but also from the Jewish Bund and Rosa Luxenberg's Polish Social Democrats.  The Jewish Bund and Rosa Luxenberg's faction usually sided with the Mensheviks in these intra-party squabbles and it was not until 1917 when they were actually incorporated into the Bolshevik faction, that Lenin was able to actually control the entire party.

The Tiflis Bank robbery has now become a part of the legend which surrounds Stalin and it is perhaps worthwhile to give it some attention.  Although the robbery was engineered by Stalin, then a minor party worker, the actual hold-up was carried out by an Armenian by the name of Petrosyan, who is known in Russian history as "Kamo".  Kamo's method was crude but effective; he tossed a dynamite bomb at a bank stage which was transporting 250,000 rubles in currency.  In the resulting explosion, some 30 people were killed and Kamo escaped with the loot, which consisted mainly of 500-ruble notes.

The Bolsheviks encountered considerable difficulty in converting these 500 ruble notes into usable form.  It was decided that agents in various countries would simultaneously cash as many as possible in a single day.  The operation was not a complete success.  The Jewess, Olga Ravich, who was one day to marry Zinoviev, was apprehended by police authorities, as was one Meyer Wallach, whose real name was Finklestein and who is better known as Maxim Litinov.  Litinov later became Commissar of Foreign Affairs (1930-39).


In the autumn of 1908, the Bolsheviks began publishing the Proletariie, with Lenin, Dubrovinsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev (the latter two Jewish) as editors.  Golos Sotsial-Demokrata began publication, edited by Plekhanov (Pike), all of whom were Jewish with the exception of Plekhanov.  In October of 1908, the Vienna Pravda was launched, with Trotzky as editor.


In 1909, the Lenin-Zinoviev-Kamenev "troika" was founded.  It was to endure until Lenin's death in 1924.  Zinoviev and Kamenev were Lenin's inseparable companions.  Later, when the Bolsheviks were in power, Trotzky would become coequal with Lenin, and even something of a competitor, but Kamenev and Zinoviev were never Lenin's equals nor his competitors--they were his right and left hand.  They would argue with him and fight with him and oppose him in party councils but the "troika" was broken only when Lenin died.


In January or 1910, the 19 top leaders of the Party met in what historians refer to as the January Plenum of the Central Committee.  Its purpose was, as always, to promote party unity.  One outcome was that Lenin was compelled to burn the remainder of the 500 ruble notes from the Tiflis corporation, which had been unable to cash anyway.  Another outcome of the January Plenum was the recognition of the newspaper, Sotsail Demokrata, as the general party newspaper.  Its editors were the Bolsheviks, Lenin and Znoviev, and the Mensheviks, Martov, and Dan.  Lenin was the only Gentile.  Trotzky's semi-independent Vienna Pravda was declared to be an official party organ and Kamenev was appointed to help edit it.  Who could have foretold in the year 1910 that within seven short years this YIDDISH CREW WOULD BE THE LORDS AND MASTERS OF ALL RUSSIA?

[H: And how could YOU, as little AmeriKans know, even 10 years ago, that the "descendants" of the same Yiddish crew would-be lords and masters of all America??]


The 1917 revolution, like that of 1905, caught the top leaders of the party unprepared.  Lenin and Martov were in Switzerland and Trotzky was eking out an existence in New York's East Side.

Shortly after the March revolution, the German government did a peculiar thing.  It arranged to ship Lenin, Martov, Radek, and 32 members of the party across Germany to Russia.  The German strategy seemed to be based on the assumption--which later proved to be correct--that the Communists would work to sabotage the Russian war effort, now being prosecuted by the Provisional Government.  Perhaps the Lenin group had some such agreement with the Germans; no one knows.  But, one thing is certain: 48 hours after the Bolsheviks came to power, Trotzky began negotiations for an armistice.  But that story comes later.

On April 3rd, just 23 days after the provisional government had been formed, Lenin and his party arrived in Petersburg.  Within 7 months he and his faction would be the supreme dictators of all Russia.


Yes, I know--the handwriting on the wall is taking more of an "English" language understanding, isn't it?

How do you THINK ones such as Russian-Jew Kissinger and Brzezinski (a false name you can neither spell nor pronounce correctly) came to control your government?  Nothing in politics is an accident, said Mr. Roosevelt, your betrayer President.  Does Yeltsin act like "one of the group"?  Look again! ...

... May your sleep be filled with peace, for from it you may well never awaken!





Source: CONTACT: THE PHOENIX PROJECT, October 5, 1993, Volume 3, Number 2, Pages 18-20.

Transcribed into HTML format by R. Montana.