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The CIA Created the Drug Culture

By Henry Makow PH.D.

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al liberation."

They neutralized my generation by turning angry activists into "flower children" advocating "peace and love."

The mantra of the age was "Tune in, Turn on and Drop Out". The prophet was psychologist, Dr. Timothy Leary (1920-1996).

Was Leary working for the CIA? Mark Reibling put this question to the aged guru in 1994 after a speech in Gainesville Florida.

"They never gave me a dime," Leary said with a pained expression, and then avoided his questioner.

If not a CIA agent, Reibling makes a convincing case that Leary was their dupe.

The CIA promotes people who believe in a cause but are unaware they are advancing the New World Order.

Like most intelligence agencies, the CIA does not represent national interests. It was created by British intelligence and serves the London-based central bankers.

The CIA said they sponsored radicals, liberals and leftists as "an alternative to Communism." This is not true. They did it to introduce a different style of Communism.

Behind the rhetorical facade, Communism is monopoly capitalism, controlled by the bankers and administered by the state.

Funds and drugs for Leary's research came from the CIA. In his autobiography, "Flashbacks" (1983), Leary credits Cord Meyer, the CIA executive in charge of funding the lib-left and counter culture with "helping me to understand my political cultural role more clearly."

Elsewhere he says the "Liberal CIA" is the "best mafia you can deal with in the Twentieth Century." (These references are from Reibling's groundbreaking must-read article: "Was Leary a CIA agent?" ) Leary clearly was working for the CIA but thought he was working for himself.

Like Leary we are all dupes.

A GENERATION OF MARIONETTES

When I was a child I used to lie in bed at night and read TIME and NEWSWEEK from cover to cover. At the age of 12, I helped organize marches for world hunger relief. At 14, the marches were for Negro Civil Rights.

In 1964, while still concerned with the American Negro, I noticed that I was dancing alone. The party had moved to another room. Vietnam was now the cause celebre. It was as if someone (i.e. the CIA-controlled media) had mysteriously blown a whistle.

I participated in a rising crescendo of anti-war activity. In 1968, after the gut-wrenching assassinations of King and Robert Kennedy, LBJ's decision not to seek reelection (his CFR handlers told him to go) and the clubbing of protesters at the Democratic Convention in Chicago deflated the anti-war movement.

Then, acting as one like a flock of geese, my generation gave up on social change, became "alienated" and "turned inward." Maybe we needed to change ourselves, we reasoned, before we can change the world. Thanks to the CIA, drugs were plentiful and Leary's mantra was echoed in the mass media.

Although it was another ten years before I tried marijuana, I experienced the "Summer of Love" hitchhiking across Canada in 1967. Maybe it was time to "hang loose" and focus on personal things. The 1970's became the "Me Decade."

The protest years weren't a complete waste. Before getting into bed, my first lover made me recount the history of the Vietnam War in detail to make sure I "was serious."

My sister and brother-in-law turned me on to marijuana on my 26th birthday. I saw myself as a choo-choo train ascending a steep grade billowing black smoke. My life was a strain. Marijuana was a revelation. It helped me get "out of myself." I took up yoga.

Although I have never experienced LSD, I embraced the utopian vision of Timothy Leary and Aldous Huxley. With considerable justification, they believed that "mind expanding" drugs could provide a genuine visionary experience and release mankind's spiritual potential. In experiments, theology students had life changing revelations; alcoholics were cured. For millennia, many cultures have used drugs to promote spirituality.

In Mexico, Leary took magic mushrooms. The experience convinced him the normal mind was "a static repetitive circuit."

"It was above all and without question the deepest religious experience of my life. I discovered that beauty, revelation, sensuality, the cellular history of the past, God, the devil, all lie inside my body, outside my mind."

This LSD-fueled vision of utopia was put into practice at the highest levels of the US government. In 1963, Cord Meyer's estranged wife Mary Pinchot Meyers was having an affair with President John F. Kennedy who had embraced LSD. Mary approached Leary for supplies and advice. She and her friends were turning on "some of the most powerful men in Washington."

In Dec. 1963, Meyer called Leary and said they killed JFK because "they couldn't control him anymore. He was changing too fast. They've covered everything up. I'm afraid. Be careful." In Oct. 1964, she was murdered.

MY WEEKEND WITH TIMOTHY LEARY

I had a serious case of hero worship when I visited Timothy Leary around 1990. I had contacted him through his publisher and he phoned me. I wanted to meet the guru to see if the utopian vision he represented was still alive.

I was disillusioned. By this time Leary was fixated on the benefits of the "information superhighway." His pantry table was crammed with bottles of alcohol. He told me his "vision of God" was depicted in the last scene in William Gibson's book "Neuromancer."

"At the end of the world, all the information stored in all the computers will rise up into Cyberspace and mingle together." he said. "That's God."

Wonderful, I thought. All those airline reservations mingling together.

At lunch, I tried to remind him of his original vision: using drugs to awaken our spiritual potential and become more God-like in behavior.

"What do you think God is?" he scoffed. "An old man with a beard?"

Prophets sometimes lose their vision. I think this is what happened with Leary.

But he was very generous with his time and hospitality. He was a genuine idealist.

I ferried him around Los Angeles in my rented car. He was appearing in a music video made by an obscure band. He was to earn $300. He lived in a nice house but he was not rich. I took him to see his daughter by his first marriage. She lived in public housing in the valley.

CONCLUSION

The effects of marijuana and LSD vary wildly. Depending on the individual, the setting and quality, people can have positive or negative results. Similarly the drug culture has been a mixed bag. It has given millions the opportunity to escape the suffocating box of modern materialism and discover their spiritual birthright. It has been a gateway to religion. In my case, it confirmed Christ's message that God is Love.

But too many have given up on protest and social change. They feel that "fighting the darkness" just "brings me down."

For me, detachment from the world was a limbo in which I drifted for years. I now believe in the Path of Service. We gain meaning by doing our Creator's work. We become human beings by becoming God's agent in matters large and small.

Our world-view and concerns are totally manipulated by the London-based Masonic bankers through the CIA, mass media and public education. For example, the Iraq War hasn't aroused a protest similar to Vietnam. Why? The answer lies in the treatment in the mass media. The bankers want Iraq to succeed; they wanted Vietnam to fail.

We are marionettes. The environment, fe-manism, diversity, you name it. The bankers are pulling our strings. In the case of the drug culture, they made us self absorbed and quiescent. They didn't expect many of us to find God.

It's time to rediscover social responsibility and uphold the Divine Order against the satanic New World Order.

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Note For more information, read "Acid Dreams: The Social History of LSD. CIA, the 60's and Beyond" by Martin Lee and Bruce Shlain.

Also: "Storming Heaven: LSD and the American Dream" by Jay Stevens.

http://search.yahoo.com/search?fr=ush1-mail&p=The+CIA+Created+The+Drug+Culture

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How the US Government Created the "Drug Problem" in the USA

by Michael E. Kreca

"The bottom line on this whole business has not yet been written."

Dr. Sidney Gottlieb

CIA Technical Services Staff director for the MK-ULTRA program

Eighteenth-century German philosopher Georg Friedrich Hegel long ago developed, among other things, what he called the principle of "thesis, antithesis, synthesis" to explain the process of deliberately enacted social disorder and change as a road to power. To achieve a desired result, one deliberately creates a situation ("thesis,") devises a "solution," to solve the "problems" created by that situation ("antithesis,") with the final result being the ultimate goal of more power and control ("synthesis.") It is unsurprising Karl Marx and his disciples like Lenin and Trotsky, as well as the US government in its so-called War On Drugs, made this process a keystone of their drive for total control of all individual actions that, in their views, were not, in Mussolini s terms, "inside the state" and thus controllable by the same.

In September 1942, OSS director and Army Maj. Gen. William "Wild Bill" Donovan began his search for an effective "truth serum" to be used on POWs and captured spies. Beginning with a budget of $5,000 and the blessing of President Franklin Roosevelt, he enlisted the aid of a few prominent physicians and psychiatrists like George Estabrooks and Harry Murray as well as former Prohibition agent and notorious Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) director Harry Anslinger.

The OSS/FBN team first tested a potent marijuana extract, tetrahydrocannabinol acetate (THCA), a colorless, odorless substance, lacing cigarettes or food items with it, and administering them to volunteer US Army and OSS personnel, all who eventually acquired the nickname "Donovan's Dreamers." Testing was also conducted under the guise of treatment for shell shock.

Donovan's team found that THCA, which they termed "TD," for "truth drug," induced "a great loquacity and hilarity," and even, in cases where the subject didn't feel physically threatened, some useable "reefer madness." Peyote, morphine and scopolamine were judged too powerful to be used in effective interrogation. In light of all this, Donovan concluded, "The drug defies all but the most expert and search analysis, and for all practical purposes can be considered beyond analysis." The OSS did not, however, end the program. By that time, faced with the terrifying ship losses the USA was suffering from German U-boats, Donovan pressed on, hoping to find some effective chemical means to help interrogate captured U-boat sailors.

More- http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig/kreca1.html

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In August of 1996, the San Jose Mercury News published a three-part investigation by Gary Webb into the U.S. government's links to the trade in crack cocaine in South Central Los Angeles. Webb's investigation uncovered links between the Central Intelligence Agency's covert war against Nicaragua and convicted Los Angeles drug dealer "Freeway" Ricky Ross, whom the Los Angeles Times in 1994 had dubbed the "one outlaw capitalist most responsible for flooding Los Angeles' streets with mass-marketed cocaine." (20 December 1994 p. A20)

The (admittedly sensationalized, but basically accurate) story generated much controversy, and heated denials from the mainstream media (in particular the local paper of record, whose editor Shelby Coffey III couldn't bear the thought of someone else beating his paper out on a major story in his own backyard). This vehement denegation, however, is largely inconsistent with the historical record (some of which has been, and continues to be, reported in these same papers).

This web site is part of a long-standing research project of mine. As a scholar working at the interstices of speech communication and cultural studies, I have been investigating the public discourse surrounding the "war on drugs" as an exercise in disciplinary social control. This site is a database of information, evidence, and other resources that have helped guide me in this research project, and will hopefully help others working along the same lines.

The 1997 CIA budget was 26.6 billion dollars. This year (1998) their budget is $26.7 billion. What the hell do we get for our money?

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Obdisclaimer: The links below point to documents here and all over the web. My including a link to something, it should be obvious, does not necessarily mean that I endorse what you read there. And of course my opinions are solely my own, not the opinions of my employer, web provider, or therapist. Finally, any previously copyrighted material included on this site is there for fair use only.

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The Scandal Unfolds: The San Jose Mercury News article and its aftermath.

Memorandum of Understanding between former CIA Director and Attorney General inserted into Congressional Record (07 May 1998) by Maxine Waters. This evidence that the CIA engineered a legal exemption from requirements to report drug smuggling suggests not only that the CIA director was well aware of such activity on the part of CIA assets but that he actively sought to keep this information away from public and legal scrutiny. [The relevant documents are also archived here.]

See also Robert Parry's commentary on the above, from The Consortium 3:11 (01 June 1998), reprinted in the Antifa Bulletin (03 June 1998). Parry calls the memo "evidence of premeditation." Whether or not that will be the official conclusion of the Congressional investigation, there is little question that this marks a turning point in elite attitudes toward this story.

Written Statement of Celerino Castillo for the House Select Committee on Intelligence (27 April 1998): Former DEA Agent sets the record of CIA involvement in drug trafficking straight. [Mirrored here]

Gary Webb's new book Dark Alliance published by Seven Stories Press! On its heels comes Alexander Cockburn and Jeffery St. Clair's excellent book Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press.

Webb's book tour has drawn more attention to the story. Coupled with the Congressional investigation, there is some possibility that this story will finally get the media attention it deserves. What remains to be seen is whether this attention will result in sweeping government reform or whether the slight fractures produced in elite consensus will be managed with little impact on the underlying structures. In any case, here is some of the recent attention drawn to the story as a result of the book tour:

Chapter 1 of Webb's book (from the New York Times website; requires free registration. Chapter One of Whiteout is also available.

More- http://www.csun.edu/CommunicationStudies/ben/news/cia/

Psychedelic Drugs in the Twentieth Century

Lester Grinspoon & James B. Bakalar Chapter 3 of Psychedelic Drugs Reconsidered, Basic Books, New York.

ISBN: 0-465-06450. ©1979 by Lester Grinspoon and James B. Bakalar

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Hence, in intent, mystical salvation definitely means aristocracy; it is an aristocratic religiosity of redemption And, in the midst of a culture that is rationally organized for a vocational workaday life, there is hardly any room for the cultivation of acosmic brotherliness, unless it is among strata who are economically carefree.-Max Weber But once kabbalism came to perform a social function, it did so by providing an ideology for popular religion. It was able to perform this function in spite of its fundamentally aristocratic character, because its symbols, reflecting as they did the historical experienc of the group, provided the faith of the masses with a theoretical justification.-Gershom Scholem Reality is a crutch-Graffito of the Sixties

The reception of psychedelic drugs in modern industrial society is a complicated topic for the future cultural historian. Their influence has been broad and occasionally deep, varied but often hard to define. By now millions of people in the United States and Europe at all levels of society have used them; they have served as a day's vacation from the self and ordinary waking consciousness, as psychotherapy, professional or self-prescribed, and as the inspiration for works of art, especially for rock songs, the folk music of the electronic age; they have also provided a basis for metaphysical and magical systems, an initiatory ritual and a fountain of cultural symbolism for dissident groups; their use has been condemned and advocated as a political act or a heretical religious rite. Since the early 1960s, the cultural history of psychedelic drugs has been inseparable from the episode that has become known as the hippie movement. When the hippies were at the center of the public

stage, so were psychedelic drugs; as the hippie movement became assimilated, losing its distinctiveness but leaving many residues in our culture, psychedelic drugs moved to the periphery of public consciousness, but they continue to exert a similar subtle influence.

It is impossible to write an adequate history of such an amorphous phenomenon without discussing the whole cultural rebellion of the 1960s; and it is impossible to do that adequately with the sources now available, which are very numerous (millions of words were spilled on the subject) but scattered, low in quality, and often inaccessible. The underground magazines, newspapers, and broadsides must be searched for serious themes underlying the extravagant claims, pseudorevolutionary wrath, drugged platitudes, and gleeful or savage mockery of elders and betters. The Iyrics, music, and public performances and poses of rock groups in the late 1960s must also be reinterpreted without wartime partisanship as the expression of a moment in culture. Biographies, memoirs, and recorded oral reminiscences will eventually give some sense of the texture of the time in the words of people who no longer feel obliged to attack or defend ideological phantoms. The cultural history of psychedelic

drugs, like the cultural history of alcohol, cuts across too many social categories to be easily formulated as a single story. It will ultimately emerge only from the accumulation of separate stories about the people who have used the drugs; only a beginning has been made, and the knowledge we have is atypical, either because it concerns spectacular and unusual events like the Manson cult's killings or the great rock festivals, or because the rare highly articulate commentator, like Timothy Leary or Tom Wolfe, is deliberately taking a participant's point of view and a polemical stance. The immediacy of such journalism and memoirs cannot be reproduced here, and yet any narrative must be partial and ill-proportioned, since the immortalizing light of publicity has touched only parts of the scene.

The most important questions the story raises are: What cultural changes have the drugs effected? Which of their cultural functions have been exhausted and which are still operating? What unexplored or incompletely explored possibilities remain? The answers will demand a detailed examination of the drugs' properties and uses as well as the social history that follows.

The starting point of this history is as indeterminate as the definition of a psychedelic drug. We might begin with the discovery of distilled liquor, the elixir of life, in the thirteenth century, or the introduction of coffee and tobacco in the seventeenth century, or the stimulus provided by the artificial paradises of opium and hashish to the imaginations of such men as Coleridge, De Quincey, and Baudelaire in the nineteenth century. But for our purposes we can say that the first "new" psychedelic substance to make a social impact in Europe and the United States was nitrous oxide. Its introduction is associated with some famous scientific names. Joseph Priestley discovered it in 1772, and its effects were fully explored for the first time by Humphry Davy, Faraday's teacher, in 1798. Davy tested it extensively on himself and his artist and scientist friends and published a 600-page volume entitled Researches Chemical and Philosophical, Chiefly Concerning Nitrous Oxide and Its

Respiration, in which he enthusiastically described the philosophical euphoria it produced. Further testimonials came from poets like Coleridge and Robert Southey: Coleridge, an opium addict, called nitrous oxide "the most unmingled pleasure" he had ever experienced; Southey wrote, "The atmosphere of the highest of all possible heavens must be composed of this gas." Others who inhaled it were Josiah Wedgwood and Roget of Roget's Thesauris. Nitrous oxide was nothing more than an esoteric entertainment for gentlemen of the cultural elite until the 1840s, when Horace Wells and William Morton introduced it into dentistry as an anesthetic; dentists and surgeons still use it for that purpose.

Attempts to derive a philosophy or guide for life arise from each succeeding new form of intoxication or altered consciousness, and nitrous oxide was no exception. In 1874 the American Benjamin Paul Blood wrote a pamphlet called "The Anesthetic Revelation and the Gist of Philosophy"; William James read it and was prompted to experience the metaphysical illumination himself; the passages he wrote on drug-induced mysticism and its relation to philosophical questions remain among the most eloquent and intellectually acute comments on a subject that has otherwise produced much foggy writing. But neither the psychedelic effects of nitrous oxide nor the sometimes similar effects of ether and chloroform, also used in the nineteenth century medicinally and for pleasure, ever became a matter of great public interest. A few eccentrics like Blood tried to derive a metaphysics from them, but no nitrous oxide cults were formed. The revelations experienced on operating tables and in dentists' chairs remained as private as most spontaneous mystical experience. This can be partly explained by the brevity of the effect and the fact that its meaning tended to fade from memory, as well as the difficulties in handling and transporting a gas. Even more important, no social precedent for public recognition existed until the drug revolution of the 1960s intensified the search for mind-altering chemicals and provided drug users with ideologies and models for organization. Today nitrous oxide is publicized in the drug culture's communications media, and there are formal groups advocating its use for pleasure and transcendence (see Shedlin and Wallechinsky 1973).

The rapid development of experimental physiology and pharmacology in the late nineteenth century generated an extensive search through folk pharmacopoeias for new drugs and efforts to extract the active principles of familiar ones. Among the many drugs discovered or synthesized (including cocaine and aspirin) was mescaline, the latest successor to opium, cannabis, and anesthetics as a creator of artificial paradises. The peyote cactus had been vaguely known from the descriptions of early Spanish chroniclers and later anthropologists and travelers, but its presence was not felt in industrial society until the Plains Indian peyote religion made it familiar on the southwestern frontier of the United States after the Civil War. Scientific study of mescaline began in 1880, when a woman in Laredo, Texas, sent samples of peyote to several medical researchers and to the drug house Parke-Davis. Ludwig Lewin tested peyote extract on animals and in 1888 published the first scientific report

on the new drug (Lewin 1888). From then on interest grew slowly but persistently, paralleled and reinforced by the rise of the peyote religion.

Mescaline was isolated in 1895 and synthesized in 1919. Parke-Davis and European drug houses marketed peyote for a while as a respiratory and heart stimulant, but it did not become an important therapeutic agent like opium, cannabis, and nitrous oxide. Instead it was used experimentally to study the nature of the mind and mental disturbances, and also taken independently by scholars, intellectuals, and artists to explore unfamiliar regions of consciousness. In the 1890s Weir Mitchell and Havelock Ellis gave the earliest personal accounts of peyote intoxication in medical journals; they emphasized the esthetic aspect of the experience and pointed out that the intellect was relatively unimpaired (Mitchell 1896; Ellis 1897). Galton and Charcot also studied mescaline; William James tried peyote, but the only effect was stomach cramps and vomiting. In the tradition represented by J.-J. Moreau de Tours' Hashish and Mental Illness of 1845, mescaline intoxication was regarded as a potential

chemical model for psychosis; the idea was introduced in the 1890s, at about the same time that the concept of schizophrenia itself was crystallizing. This use of mescaline was periodically revived and not entirely abandoned until seventy years later (see, for example, Knauer and Maloney l91S; Stockings 1940). As early as the 1920s enough knowledge had been accumulated for several substantial books: Alexandre Rouhier's Peyotl: La plante qui fait les yeux emerveilles (1927); Karl Beringer's Der Mescalinrausch (1927); and the first work attempting a formal classification and analysis of mescaline visions, Heinrich Kluver's Mescal: The Divine Plant and Its Psychological Effects (1928).

Several other mind-altering drugs were discovered or developed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Europeans discovered the iboga root in the 1860s, and ibogaine was extracted in 1901. Ayahuasca was described by travelers in the 1850s; harmine and harmaline were first synthesized in 1927, and in 1928 Lewin conducted the first experiment with harmine in human subjects (Lewin 1929). By 1941 Schultes and others had rediscovered the sacred mushrooms and morning glories of Mexico, although their chemical constituents were still unknown. MDA had been synthesized as early as 1910, and in 1932 Gordon Alles (the discoverer of amphetamine) tested it on himself and described the effects. So at the time of the discovery of LSD there was already an established tradition of literary and medical research into the properties of drugs that would later be called psychedelic or hallucinogenic.

More- http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/lsd/grinspoo.htm

Mind Control, LSD, the CIA and the American People

What the Government Does Not Want You to Know by Andy Smith

1998-11-23

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Mind control is not only possible, but has been done before and is still continuing on unsuspecting people all over the United States of America. Through various behavior modifying techniques, including hypnosis and powerful drugs, the ancient desire to control people with magical potions had come alive again in the 1940's. The US government, by ignoring fundamental ethical codes throughout their programs aimed at controlling human

Since World War II, the United States government, mainly the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), has secretly and, at times, inhumanely, sought a way to control human behavior. The CIA mind control programs were not only a continuation of the Office of Strategic Services' (OSS, America's W.W.II intelligence agency) quest for a truth drug, but also the beginnings of a drug culture in America.

As far as we can tell by documented evidence, modern day mind control started in Nazi Germany, was continued by the US military, then the CIA sunk into it. The CIA expanded mind control projects more than ever before, testing on thousands of subjects all over the country, thus violating a basic principle of the CIA.

During W.W.II in Nazi Germany, doctors under the S.S. and the Gestapo were testing mescaline on prisoners at Dachau to try and bring unwilling people under their control and eliminate their will. Mescaline caused some people to tell their innermost secrets, but even when combined with hypnosis, the drug never gained the Nazi's confidence as a mind control drug.

After the war, the Nuremberg trials tried and convicted a small number of those responsible for the Nazi "medical" horrors. Among the Nuremberg tribunal was a Dr. Ewen Cameron, who will be discussed later. Even before the verdicts were in at Nuremberg, US investigating teams were going through the records of the experiments conducted at Dachau for information that could be used by the military. Military authorities sent the records back home, which included documents on Nazi mescaline and hypnosis mind control experiments. None of the Nazi mind control research has been made available to the public.

At the same time Nazi "doctors" at Dachau were experimenting on Jews and other people deemed inferior, OSS Director Donovan created a truth drug committee. The committee's goal was to find or create a drug capable of altering and controlling human behavior and perception, mainly a substance that would make the subject spill his secrets when questioned- a "truth drug".

The committee, which included federal narcotics agent George White, tried many different drugs, including scopolamine, peyote, barbiturates, mescaline and THC, or marijuana. Marijuana was chosen as the most likely candidate for a truth drug and the committee, in cooperation with the Manhattan Project tested various forms of the drug. They tried liquid and vapor forms before finding out that the best way to deliver the drug was via the cigarette, a secret that had been known for years by jazz musicians and other users. The OSS scientists made a potent extract of marijuana which was clear, odorless and tasteless. It was named TD, or Truth Drug, and injected into normal cigarettes with a needle.

On May 27, 1943, the first field test of marijuana-laced cigarettes was done on August Del Gracio, a New York gangster. OSS documents state that after smoking the mix of tobacco and marijuana, Gracio was in a "state of irresponsibility, causing the subject [Gracio] to be loquacious and free in his impartation of information" (marks1.htm). The gangster gave George White, the Federal agent, more information than he had before, and the operation was considered a success. Marijuana was subsequently tested on 15-18 suspected Communists in the US Army. All the men who smoked the drug gave the feds more information than they had before. Marijuana did loosen the tongue, but it didn't control the mind, so the search continued.

The Army justified it's use of drugs, including LSD, for counterintelligence and defense uses. In 1958 in Edgewood Arsenal, 95 "volunteers" were given LSD. Some were unaware that they had been drugged and thought they were going insane, others were polygraphed to see if they could lie better on acid, and others were given LSD and placed in isolation chambers. STP (Serenity, Tranquillity and Peace) was another drug tested at Edgewood and it put the user on an intense three day trip. The Army tested it for use as an incapacitating agent. PCP was tested as well as hundreds of other different drugs, many of which had never been tested on humans before.

More- http://www.mindcontrolforums.com/lsd-mc-cia.htm

The CIA & Drugs

General comments and disclaimers regarding the purpose of this website

Introduction:

One of the more astounding revelations of the recent investigations was the secret 1981 agreement between the Dept. of Justice and the CIA that specifically released the CIA from the requirement that the Agency report any drug-related activities by its agents and operatives to DOJ.

2.A group of U.S. Congressmen submitted this documentary history of CIA collusion with drug traffickers into the Congressional Record.

Volume 2 of the CIA Inspector General's Report on Contra drug smuggling and CIA complicity was released late last fall (Fall '98), and is additionally available here with additional commentary here. The CIA's own Inspector General shows that from the very start of the US-backed war on Nicaragua the CIA knew the Contras were planning to traffic in cocaine into the US. It did nothing to stop the traffic and, when other government agencies began to probe, the CIA impeded their investigations. When Contra money raisers were arrested the Agency came to their aid and retrieved their drug money from the police. So, was the Agency complicit in drug trafficking into Los Angeles and other cities? It is impossible to read Hitz's report and not conclude that this was the case.

Gary Webb (author of the Dark Alliance series and book) provides an excellent synopsis of the IG Report's contents, found here and here.

The 1980's CIA collusion with allied drug traffickers lead to the formation of a protected narcotics pipeline, resulting an increase in supply and drop in price. Former DEA agents have repeatedly pointed out that 50%-70% of the cocaine entering the U.S. went via drug cartels that enjoyed CIA protection.

"..Taken alone, one Contra drug ring, that of Rafael Caro Quintero and Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo (two Contra supporters based in Guadalajara, Mexico) were known by DEA to be smuggling four tons A MONTH into the U.S. during the early Contra war. Other operations including Manuel Noriega (a CIA asset, strongman leader of Panama), John Hull (ranch owner and CIA asset, Costa Rica), Felix Rodriguez (Contra supporter, El Salvador), Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros (Honduran Military, Contra supporter, Honduras) along with other elements of the Guatemalan and Honduran military. Cumulatively, the aforementioned CIA assets were concurrently trafficking close to two hundred tons a year or close to 70% of total U.S. consumption. All of these CIA assets have been ascertained as being connected to CIA via public documentation and testimony."

The CIA Inspector General's 300 page report holds many revelations; however, it is was originally a 600 page document. Robert Parry (http://www.consortiumnews.com) did a story in the Fall of 1998 regarding the omitted sections of the report, particulary concerning a second CIA drug ring (distinct from the one examined in Dark Alliance) in South Central Los Angeles that existed between 1988 and 1991. And according to Parry, there was yet another drug ring in L.A. that remains classified, because it was run by a CIA agent who had participated in the Contra war. It remains classified purportedly because an ongoing CIA investigation devles further into the matter (leaving one to speculate whether the CIA will utter another word about this case).

Looking back at the past 15 years, illicit cocaine trafficking saw a marked 90% decline in cocaine trafficking and consumption, noticably contemporaneous with the disbandment of the Contras and the end of the CIA's covert actions against Nicaragua.

The analysis section of this web delves into the problem of CIA alliances with criminal enterprises, the problem of quid-pro-quo arrangements, and the resulting fallout from such relationships:

"..If U.S. policy entails expanding the realm of U.S. influence, and it has to be done covertly, then the CIA readily opts to forge alliances with regional criminal enterprises. That's the way of covert action and warfare.

But for the CIA to gain any level of influence, a quid-pro-quo arrangement is required. In exchange for that criminal enterprise working for the CIA in some capacity, the CIA has to somehow protect or promote a criminal enterprises' interests.

Since the market for illicit narcotics is international, and the interests of the CIA is international, then the relationship is inevitable..."

"..It doesn't take a genius to tell you that if specific drug pipelines are protected [by the CIA] from interdiction, the resulting increase in drug volume will see a commensurate increase in drug addiction in the U.S. ..."

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And now, onward through the fog:

Evidence: Three DEA agents and their first-hand experiences:

Bradley Ayers & traces of drugs found on CIA-related airplanes in Miami, Florida.

More- http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/outline.html

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