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Black Racism and “The Jena Six”
John Perazzo
Those circumstances were as follows: Last December 4 at Louisiana’s Jena High School, football player Mychal Bell led a gang of eight to ten fellow black students in pummeling Barker into unconsciousness in what the Jena Times called “one of the most violent attacks in Jena High School’s history.” Witnesses would later report that Barker’s attackers had “stomped him badly,” “stepped on his face” while he was “knocked out cold on the ground,” and “slammed his head on the concrete beam.” The media focused heavily on the notion that three white Jena students had provoked the attack by having hung nooses -- evoking images of lynchings -- from a tree (on campus) in whose vicinity blacks allegedly were unwelcome. Quite apart from the question of whether a dumb (non-violent) prank by a bunch of teenage idiots is grounds for a violent assault, the fact is that Barker was not even involved in the prank.
Though the charges against Barker’s assailants were later reduced, the ACLU has solemnly stated that “the Jena Six case raises serious questions about a possible double standard for whites and blacks in the criminal justice system -- and in our schools.” Dennis Parker, Director of the ACLU’s Racial Justice Project, laments: “Possible differences in treatment between students of different races, the apparent overcharging of students by law enforcement and questions about the possibility of discrimination generally in the school are emblematic of the ‘school-to-prison pipeline’ cases that we are seeing nationwide.”
Members of the ACLU are schooled enough to know that many studies over the years have examined racial disparities in the criminal justice system, and that in the final analysis, when we compare black and white defendants who are charged with equivalent offenses and who have similar criminal records, we find that they are treated quite similarly by the justice system. Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson, who led a massive protest in defense of the Jena Six a few days ago, might secretly understand this too, as might the NAACP, which expressed its solid “support” for the rally in honor of the black assailants. But unfortunately the hordes of protesters -- tens of thousands were bussed to Jena from all over the United States -- didn’t know any better.
Nor did they seem at all cognizant of the fact that there are mountains of evidence which entirely contradict their contention that black youngsters routinely get a raw deal from the juvenile justice system. To cite just one example: A mere five weeks before the Jena incident, a gang of perhaps 30 black teenagers brutally assaulted three white women -- 21-year-old Laura Schneider, 19-year-old Michelle Smith, and 19-year-old Loren Hyman -- in the Bixby Knolls section of Long Beach, California. Hyman suffered 13 facial fractures that required extensive facial reconstruction surgery. Schneider suffered a concussion after one of the attackers yelled a racial slur at her, smashed a skateboard against her head, and continued beating her after she was already unconscious. In February 2007 the four main perpetrators, all of whom were aged 16 to 17 at the time of the attack, were each sentenced to serve a mere 60 days of house arrest -- which they were permitted to break in order to attend school and church -- and 250 hours of community service. The judge also ordered the lead attacker to attend an eight-week racial tolerance program at the Simon Wiesenthal Center. Not much of a penalty for crimes that could easily have resulted in a death or two. And of course the ACLU, NAACP, Sharpton, and Jackson were nowhere to be seen or heard.
There is a larger issue at play, however, apart from whatever penalties the juvenile justice system metes out. That is the issue of black racism, a disturbingly widespread phenomenon in contemporary America. This phenomenon explains why tens of thousands of protesters willingly traveled long distances to stage a show of support for a pack of thugs who had indisputably perpetrated a brutally violent attack against a white person. It explains why they focused exclusively on defending the “rights” of those attackers, rather than on condemning the wrong they had done. And it explains why they chose to portray a group of raging predators as the innocent, misunderstood victims of modern America’s allegedly boundless bigotry.
Black racism also accounts for the fact that the vast majority of interracial violent crimes are of the black-on-white variety, and that statistically the “average” black is many times more likely to attack a white, than vice versa. While not all interracial crimes are motivated by racial animosities, many of them -- like this recently videotaped gang assault in Viriginia -- certainly are.
But why should black racism be prevalent in America at this comparatively late stage in our nation’s evolution -- long after the rise of equal-opportunity mandates, affirmative action policies, civil rights advances, and the stigmatization of racism to the point where “racist” is by far the epithet most feared by whites, be they political figures, business leaders, clergy, academics, or social commentators?
It’s actually quite simple. Black racism remains a dynamic phenomenon because African Americans have been told, ad nauseum, by “civil rights leaders” and by leftist whites in influential organizations like the ACLU, to look outside of themselves for the roots of every ill that plagues their community; to reflexively blame white society for their problems rather than to take responsibility for their own lives; and to view themselves as the oppressed and powerless victims of a white “power structure,” a status they are led to believe renders them somehow incapable of being genuine racists themselves -- no matter how much they may detest the white people they perceive to be their tormenters. Moreover, they have been taught to angrily reject astute observations like those of Bill Cosby, who has publicly lamented how illegitimacy, parental neglect, lack of educational effort, and bad behavior have decimated black life.
Only the victim mentality fostered by the “civil rights” champions of our day could have prompted tens of thousands of people to think that rallying on behalf of the Jena Six was a worthwhile use of their time. Having listened for so long to the “civil rights” establishment’s incessant depictions of the United States as a land of racial inequity, many black Americans have become angry, embittered racists themselves. They are among the legions who, in the words of black columnist Michael Meyers, zealously “transform themselves into the apostles of their own delusions.”
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John Perazzo is the author of The Myths That Divide Us: How Lies Have Poisoned American Race Relations. For more information on his book, click here. E-mail him at wsbooks25@hotmail.com