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FIVE OF THE ALLEGED 9/11 HIJACKERS WERE MEMBERS OF THE AFGHAN MUJAHEDDIN FIGHTING IN BOSNIA
From Dick Eastman
The CIA hired Military Professional Resources Inc., (MPRI) and this a defense contractor in turn hired thatAfghan Mujaheddin. Afghan Mujaheddin people were arrested in Germany and they have testified to having been hired by the US defense contractor, Military Professional Resources Inc., MPRI.
As private entities, these US defense companies are not subject to congressional oversight or Freedom of Information requests.
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From the following we can make the assumption that the US military and State Department secretly trained Afghani Mujaheddin in the US prior to the Soviet Army’s retreat from Afghanistan in 1989 and given the below information of Afghani Mujaheddin fighting in Bosnia and Kosovo between 1992 to 1995.
Therefore we can assume retired US Generals working for Military Professional Resources Inc. may have had something to do with the false flag, mass murders on 9/11.
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Michael Springmannchief of the visasection for the US Jeddah Consulate noticed that he was issuing far too many visas to travel to the US and to very spacious Arabs. He says he was told by a businessman working in Jeddah that if he said one word about this to the State Department’s inspector Team, that he would be fired.
"In Saudi Arabia I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Dept officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants. These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the US, I complained to the State Dept here, to the General Accounting Office, to the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence."
- BBC News Source: "former head of the American visa bureau in Jeddah is Michael Springman".
This program of issuing illegal visas began during the Afghan civil war in the late 1980's, Springmann explains. The CIA was bringing Mujaheddin warriors back to the U.S. and training them in tactics to defeat the Soviets. For the purposes of military training, the U.S. government granted visas that never would normally have been issued.
Michael Springmann was head US consular official in Jeddah, Saudi Arabiafrom September 1987 until March 1989. He states that during this period he is “repeatedly ordered… to issue [more than 100] visas to unqualified applicants.” He turns them down, but is repeatedly overruled by superiors. [BBC, 11/6/2001; St. Petersburg Times, 11/25/2001]
In one case, two Pakistanis apply for visas to attend a trade show in the US, but they are unable to name the trade show or city in which it will be held. When Springmann denies them a visa, he gets “an almost immediate call from a CIA case officer, hidden in the commercial section [of the consulate], that I should reverse myself and grant these guys a visa.” Springmann refuses, but the decision is reversed by the chief of the consular section. Springmann realizes that even the ambassador, Walter Cutler, is aware of the situation, which becomes “more brazen and blatant” as time goes on. On one occasion Springmann is even told, “If you want a job in the State Department in future, you will change your mind.” [CBC Radio One, 7/3/2002; Trento, 2005, pp. 344-6]
Springmann loudly complains to numerous government offices, but no action is taken. He is fired and his files on these applicants are destroyed. He later learns that recruits from many countries fighting for bin Laden against Russia in Afghanistan were funneled through the Jeddah office to get visas to come to the US, where the recruits would travel to train for the Afghan war. According to Springmann, the Jeddah consulate was run by the CIA and staffed almost entirely by intelligence agents. This visa system may have continued at least through 9/11, and 11 of the 19 9/11 hijackers received their visas through Jeddah
Below I have added more information to this summary of how Sibel Edmonds’s discoveries needed to be censored (gagged) by the Bush administration. It is my assumption looking into her statements of the covering up of FBI and espionage within the language translation section, may have resulted in the FBI discovering the CIA’s, and/or State Department’s, secret operations thru Military Professional Resources Inc., using MRPI’s database (“the base” translated:Al Qeada) of Afghan Mujaheddin mercenaries who could be activated (tasked) to work in Arab
countries without attacking attention vs. hiring a white former US Army special force mercenary.
How Turkish drug trafficking is related to 911 parts 1 to 3
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KLA commander Agim Ceku had previous ties with the US military. The Nation reported, Ceku refined his brutality as a general in the US-backed Croatian Army during the Balkans war and was trained by Military Professional Resources Inc., (MPRI) a private paramilitary firm and based in Alexandria, Virginia. Croatia approached MPRI to restructure its military. Congressional investigators looked into MPRI's role in the region, but their final report, much of which remains classified.
The story on the U.S. mercenary connection to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was virtually ignored by the corporate-controlled media during NATO’s Balkans War. Playing into the hands of the Pentagon’s information warfare and perception management cadres, as well as Clinton Administration spinmeisters, the major media sang the praises of the KLA, refusing to peer inside the covert assistance program rendered by Pentagon “private military contractors” to this shadowy group long connected to criminal enterprises in both Eastern and Western Europe.
The U.S. private military contractors and police advisory teams associated with the Justice Department’s and United Nations peace monitoring teams continue their activity in the world’s most volatile trouble spots. As private entities, these companies are not subject to congressional oversight or Freedom of Information requests.
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Germany and the U.S. collaborated in supporting the development and training of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) to deliberately destabilize a centralized socialist government in Yugoslavia.
Since the early 1990s, Bonn and Washington have joined hands in establishing their respective spheres of influence in the Balkans. Undercover support to the Kosovo rebel army was established as a joint endeavor between the CIA and Germany’s Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND). The task to create and finance the KLA was initially given to Germany:
“They used German uniforms, East German weapons, and were financed in part by drug money,” according to intelligence analyst John Whitley. As the KLA matured, the U.S. and Germany recruited Mujaheddin mercenaries, financed by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, to train the KLA in guerrilla and diversion tactics.
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MPRI stepped up its military training activities in Bosnia after the suspension of the firm’s arms transfers to the Bosnian army was lifted by the State Department. MPRI activities included training a rapid reaction Bosnian special forces unit and providing direct support to the Bosnian Defense Ministry. Pentagon insiders reported that MPRI also provided weaponry to paramilitary forces loyal to Montenegro’s pro-Western President Milo Djukanovic and continued covert assistance to the KLA in Kosovo. (UPDATE BY AUTHOR WAYNE MADSEN)
In September 1999, the KLA was officially dissolved and transformed into the newly formed Kosovo Protection Force that was funded by U.S. military aid. Shift in military labels: KLA Commander Agim Ceku was appointed Chief of Staff of Kosovo’s newly created armed forces.
Under NATO occupation, the rule of law has visibly been turned upside down. Criminals and terrorists are to become law-enforcement officers. With the withdrawal of Yugoslav troops and police, the KLA without delay took control of Kosovo’s police stations. Under the formal authority of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was entrusted with the task of training and installing a 4,000-strong police force with a mandate to “protect civilians” under the jurisdiction of the KLA-controlled “Ministry of Public Order.” The evidence suggests that the KLA-controlled police force was also responsible for the massacres of civilians organized in the immediate wake of NATO’s military occupation of Kosovo.
Moreover, despite NATO’s commitment to disarming the KLA, the Kosovar paramilitary organization is slated to be transformed into a modern military force. So-called “security assistance” has already been granted to the KLA by the U.S. Congress under the Kosovar Independence and Justice Act of 1999. While the KLA’s links to the Balkans narcotics trade (served to finance many of its terrorist activities) had been highly publicized, the paramilitary organi-zation was granted an official U.S. seal of approval as well as being deemed a “legitimate” source of funding. In turn, Washington’s military aid package to the KLA was entrusted to Military Professional Resources, Inc. (MPRI) of Alexandria, Virginia, a private mercenary outfit run by high ranking former U.S. military officers.
In September 1999, the KLA was officially dissolved and transformed into the newly formed Kosovo Protection Force that was funded by U.S. military aid. Shift in military labels: KLA Commander Agim Ceku was appointed Chief of Staff of Kosovo’s newly created armed forces.
Barely a few weeks after Commander Ceku’s NATO sponsored appointment, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) announced that it was “investigating Ceku for alleged war crimes committed against ethnic Serbs in Croatia between 1993 and 1995” (AFP, October 13,1999).
This information had been withheld by the the International Criminal Tribunal - ICTY during the mandate of Chief Prosecutor Louise Arbour. In other words, the U.N. and NATO knew that Agim Ceku was an alleged war criminal prior to the onslaught of NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia in March 1999.
More-over, KFOR Commander Mike Jackson and UNMIK head Dr. Bernard Kouchner (and 1999 Nobel Peace Laureate as cofounder of Doctors Without Borders) were fully aware of the fact that an alleged war criminal had been appointed as Commander in Chief of the KPF: “If we lose him it will be a disaster,” said a diplomat close to Bernard Vouchner, the U.N. s special representative. “When you get to the second level of the TMK [Kosovo Protection Force], you’re down to a bunch of local thugs.”
American diplomats have suggested any indictment of Ceku would most likely be “sealed” and thereby kept out of the public domain [meaning that public opinion will not be informed of the Court’s decision]. Another diplomat said he believed KFOR, the NATO-led peace-keeping force, could not contemplate a public relations disaster with the Albanians by arresting Ceku (Tom Walker, “Kosovo Defense Chief Accused of War Crimes, Sunday Times, October 10, 1999).
The ICTY also cautioned that the inquiry did not necessarily imply that Ceku was responsible for wrongdoings in Kosovo: “The court’s inquiries relate to atrocities committed in Krajina between 1993 and 1995.” Ceku’s record in Kosovo itself is not thought to be in question, although the office of Carla del Ponte, the new chief prosecutor, said an investigation into his activities with the KLA could not be ruled out. The possibility that Ceku, a respected figure in Kosovo, could be accused of war crimes, has sent “shivers through the international community in Kosovo…” (Ibid.).
In other words, the so-called “international community” has firmly relied on an “alleged war criminal” to replicate in Kosovo the massacres and ethnic cleansing conducted in Croatia against Krajina Serbs. Visibly what was shaping up in the wake of the bombings in Kosovo was the continuity of NATO’s operation in the Balkans. Military personnel and U.N. bureaucrats previously stationed in Croatia and Bosnia had also been routinely reassigned to Kosovo. In this context, the assignment of Mike Jackson to Kosovo as KFOR Commander was remarkably consistent with the appointment a few months earlier of Brigadier General Agim Ceku as Commander of the KLA.
While calling for democracy and “good governance” in the Balkans, the U.S. and its allies have installed in Kosovo a “civilian paramilitary government” with links to organized crime. The outcome is the outright “criminalization” of civilian state institutions in Kosovo and the establishment of what is best described as a “Mafia State.” The complicity of NATO and the Alliance governments (namely their relentless support of the KLA) points to the de facto “criminalization” of KFOR and of the U.N. peace-keeping apparatus in Kosovo. The donor agencies and governments (e.g., the funds approved by the U.S. Congress in violation of several U.N. Security Council resolutions) providing financial support to the KLA are, in this regard, also “accessories” to this criminalization of state institutions. Through the intermediation of a paramilitary group (created and financed by Washington and Bonn), NATO
ultimately bears the burden of responsibility for the massacres and ethnic cleansing of civilians in Kosovo.
http://www.projectcensored.org/top-stories/articles/22-us-and-germany-trained-and-developed-the-kla/