ntly resides, as well as throughout the rest of Europe. Finally it was published in America, quickly scaling the bestseller charts here as well.

Vidal asks the kind of unpleasant but necessary questions which need to be posed in a democracy, and are all too often stifled, as in the case of not initially being published in America despite his lengthy career of writing success. Vidal refers to the Bush Administration as "America's Ruling Junta" and points out that roughly one percent of the people are currently represented as part of that elite.

Foremost on Vidal's mind is the subject of why America is currently hated and the rationale behind current attacks as manifested by the Oklahoma City bombing and 9-11. Vidal's anti-establishment writing attracted notice from none other than Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh and a correspondence ensued. Vidal vehemently denies that he ever deemed McVeigh's actions justifiable. He maintained a vigilant stance on attempting to determine what motivated McVeigh to pursue such a vicious anti-establishment course against the United States. He also seeks answers to nagging questions that McVeigh, according to scientific experts, could not have carried out his vendetta on his own. He publishes a letter he wrote to incoming FBI Director Robert Mueller concerning nagging doubts that need to be explored, noting that he never received a response.

Vidal also focuses on the international drug scene. Declaring the current policy a failure, he recommends making drugs available at cost in an effort to treat the disease as a medical rather than criminal problem while at the same time undercutting the vast profits incurred from underground drug networks.

The muckraking journalist also tackles the Waco and Ruby Ridge incidents. In each case he finds that government authority was excercised at excessive levels and careful scrutiny is warranted. He laments that efforts to probe these cases meet with stern resistance. Vidal clearly feels that from the Grassy Knoll and the JFK assassination to the present, the intelligence establishment of what he terms America's Ruling Junta has stood in the way of progress and ultimate truth.

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Agree with it or not, a message we need to hear, March 25, 2002

Reviewer: Kerry Walters (Lewisburg, PA USA)

Gore Vidal has been a pain in the establishment's keester for fifty-odd years, and his gadflying has gotten sharper, pithier, and more valuable with the passing of each year. In this latest collection of essays, he dares to say something that many Americans are uneasily beginning to suspect but haven't yet dared to utter out loud: the reason "they"--the terrorists--hate us "so much" is at least partly because we're sometimes...well...hateable.

Vidal's *Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace* collects a handful of his recent essays ranging on topics from the presidential election of 2000, to homegrown terrorism a la Timothy McVeigh, to the moralizing conservatism of mainstream America, to an open letter to the FBI on whether McVeigh was acting alone. All of these pieces have been published previously, and indeed, some of them appeared in Vidal's last collection of essays, *The Last Empire* (2001). What's truly new and exciting about this book is its lead essay, hauntingly entitled "September 11, 2001 (A Tuesday)". Vidal tells us in his Introduction that the piece was originally commissioned by "Vanity Fair," but was refused publication because the editors thought it too inflammatory.

Inflammatory it unquestionably is, because in it Vidal argues for a thesis that is unpopular at the moment but just may make more sense as time goes on: that horrible as the terrorist attacks on the Trade Towers was, the Bush administration's high-handed wrestling to the ground of civil liberties in the attack's wake is worse. Vidal argues that the waging of war by the "Pentagon junta" is but another example of the U.S.'s misguided tendency to "wage war to perpetuate peace"--a misbegotten policy that has earned the violent dislike of terrorists like Osama bin Laden and Timothy McVeigh as well as the diplomatic disdain of much of the world. (At the end of the essay, Vidal provides an instructive 20-page account of U.S. military operations since 1949.) Vidal agrees that bin Laden needs to be brought to justice, but he argues that a police action, not all-out war, is the answer. The cowboy-style military campaign is only bound to make a bad situation worse. It may snuff out bin Laden (although even this isn't guaranteed), but as is the way with military actions, will inevitably generate more anger and resentment.

This book is bound to infuriate many American readers, even though I understand it's been a best-seller in Europe. I'm not sure I agree with everything Vidal has to say. Occasionally he's long on accusation and short on evidence. But the book deserves reading if for no other reason than it has the courage to ask us not to take for granted the virtue of our foreign policy in general and our reaction to terrorism in particular.

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Vanishing Liberties., January 17, 2004

Reviewer: C. Middleton (Australia)

What has made America a great nation in the eyes of the world over the last two hundred years, is not its major technological advances, it competent military or its advances in all the arts, but its original pure ideals on what constitutes a free society, and the inalienable rights of the individual living in that society. The founding fathers of the United States knew all too well the corruptive nature of power. The creation of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights would ensure that those within its government seeking absolute power could be kept in check. In this ideal society, the state has limited power over its citizens, but just enough power to maintain peace within its borders. What is shocking about this short collection of essays by Gore Vidal, is he soberly illustrates with hard fact examples, particularly since the Oklahoma bombing and the events of 9/11, that the Bill of Rights and the important principles it states, protecting the rights of all citizens, is being manipulated to serve a small elite. The people are slowly, over time, losing their rights, because it is said, for their own protection.

As a child growing up in the United States, there were three things I was taught, and that was always to respect the rights of others, always say please and thank you, and Governments always lie. "Never believe a politician, son. Because no matter what they say, there is always a hidden agenda." Time and again, this simple statement has turned out to be true. Sometimes their lies are found out. As a people, however, we have a tendency to forgetfulness, a kind of in-built amnesia, to then blindly vote our dubious leaders back into office. Facing the awful truth, in most cases, is much too hard, because it is easier to accept sugarcoated reasons, media-generated propaganda, and not take responsibility and face the fact that at least part of the problem is with us.

Vidal points out that there has been nearly two hundred `incursions' since 1945..."in which the United States has been the aggressor." As he states in the introduction, "It is the law of physics (still on the books when last I looked) that in nature there is no action without reaction. The same appears in human nature - that is, history." (ix) Might the two terrible events of Oklahoma and 9/11 be the result of past military `incursions' by the U.S. and her allies in other countries?

I found this collection of essays to be both incredibly disturbing and enlightening at the same time. In fact, after finishing the book, sleep became difficult. I don't know whether the United States knows it or not, because it is the most powerful nation in the world, and therefore an example to us all, what they do or not do, affects the entire planet. Australia has always looked to America as an example, (whether we care to admit it or not) and I don't like where our big brother is leading us at the moment.

The basic premise of Vidal's book is the ultimate damage from terrorism is not a physical one, but the true knockout blow is our vanishing liberties. Those in power submit that we must sacrifice or freedoms because we're at war. I submit, without our God given liberties, our rights as contributing members of society; war is moot, because there's nothing else worth fighting for.

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