Sept. 11, 2014

PJ-14

CHAPTER 15

 

REC #3  HATONN

 

MONDAY, APRIL 30, 1990    1:30 P.M.     YEAR 3 DAY 257

 

MAJOR TARGET

 

The Guyana missile base was one of the major targets of the revised planning. When this planning began more than two years prior, the Space Battle of the Harvest Moon still lay in the future. It seemed quite inconceivable that America could lose its secret beam-weapons base which was soon to be oper­ational on the moon; and so long as they had this Moon Base to depend on, your Unseen Rulers thought they could not lose. But in light of the Underwa­ter Missile double-cross, they wanted to be able to pull as many of Russia's military teeth as possible. In this way, their destruction of Russia would be even more complete than originally planned.

 

The planners of Operation Guyana were given a difficult problem to solve. The objective was to wipe out the Russian missile base in Guyana by remov­ing the threat it posed to the Panama Canal and southern American cities; but this was to be a pre-war operation carried out covertly and with complete sur­prise. It had to be covert, because neither the United States nor Russia could afford to have it known that the base ever existed; and the surprise had to be complete, because with even the briefest warning the base could be reinforced and defended by Cuban troops.

 

From these requirements it was concluded that a commando-style raid would be necessary, something like the Israeli raid at Entebbe Airport in Uganda in July 1976. Are the similarities and implications becoming a bit more clear to you readers? Any other kind of attack would have required your leaders to do what President Kennedy did in 1962, and that is: Tell the American people what was afoot and ask for your support. At all cost, the one thing your Un­seen Rulers were determined not to do was to tell you anything. The problem then arose--how to get the joint attacking forces into Guyana in a force large enough and fast enough to do the job.

 

Wiping out a base like that one in Guyana, after all, is no small task and it takes experience. It was then concluded that somehow some very sudden, massive, compelling excuse would have to be provided in order to enable the secret joint military forces to enter Guyana temporarily. The excuse, what­ever it was, would have to be so visible as to tie Russian's hands so that Russia could not retaliate in Guyana without giving away what she had been up to there; and the excuse, whatever it was, would have to appear non-military yet require military expertise. Furthermore, some provision would have to be made for ALL casualties in the missile-base attack to be removed from Guyana after the raid, otherwise their presence in Guyana could have been made the basis of an international incident trumped up around some different story unrelated to the secret missile base.

 

For example, the government of Guyana, following Russian dictates, might have publicly displayed the bodies of the joint military forces killed in the at­tack and said they were killed in an attempted coup d' etat against Forbes Burnham. It was a very big order, but the Jonestown kibbutz proved to be the answer. All that was necessary was to arrange for many hundreds of Ameri­can citizens to die suddenly in Guyana and under conditions guaranteeing in­stant massive publicity.

 

The sheer enormity of the tragedy would require military involvement, and the location of Jonestown was made to order. Helicopters commuting be­tween the Temehri Airfield and Jonestown would naturally fly over the missile complex--whose details were known in spite of expert camouflage. This meant that joint special armed forces could be set down near the perimeters of the missile base and later recovered, along with casualties, with relative ease. And as the reporters at the Temehri Airfield watched helicopters leav­ing to the northwest and return from the same direction, they were led to as­sume that all were going to and from Jonestown some 150 miles away. They had no way of knowing that many of the flights were to and from the Russian missile base, which lay in the same direction but only half as far distant.

 

IN THE BEGINNING OF THE SCHEME

 

When it was decided to use mass deaths at Jonestown as a cover for the mis­sile-base attack, Jonestown was functioning only as an outpost of the People's Temple. There were not enough people there to provide a sufficiently major incident to serve the intended purpose, and so, through both direct and indi­rect means, Jim Jones was persuaded to go to the Guyana kibbutz himself, taking as many of his flock as would follow him. That turned out to be about 25% to 30%, and by following him they automatically identified themselves as the group most highly dependent upon Jones personally. They were also most susceptible to the combined influences of exhaustion, intimidation, and isola­tion from outside help--in other words, just right for thorough brainwashing.

 

Ever since the days of the Korean war it had been known conclusively that brainwashing techniques can cause many peoples to do all kinds of things. Even hardened American GI's in Korea fell victim to brainwashing in sur­prising numbers because they did not understand what they were up against. But, of course, the Jonestown victims were anything but hardened soldiers.

 

In August 1977 Jim Jones left for Guyana with his large sacrificial flock. That same month, United Nations Ambassador Andrew Young carried a message to Prime Minister Forbes Burnham of Guyana. He said that under certain conditions the United States and the World Bank would increase its aid to Guyana--that is, line Burnham's pocket by a factor of ten times more than previous levels. And so the key disaster of Jonestown was set in motion in a day shortly before the Battle of the Harvest Moon.

 

POOR LEO RYAN

 

To trigger the whole tragedy and in a blare of publicity, the interest of late Congressman Leo J. Ryan was developed and programmed.

 

In a display of courage that is practically unknown today in the U.S. Congress, Ryan went to Guyana knowing that it might be dangerous. But what he did not know, of course, was that he had been lured into making a trip whose tragic outcome was planned well in advance.

 

Congressman Ryan and those who died with him at Port Kaituma Airport were casualties in the secret war that was leading to Nuclear War One. And so were the hundreds of other American civilians who died in the so-called "mass suicide" at Jonestown, Guyana.

 

As the time approached for Congressman Ryan to make his anticipated trip to Guyana, other activities were set in motion on the diplomatic and military stage. It was essential that Russia's attention be diverted away from Guyana until too late to take action to protect the missile base. Russia's prize in the Western Hemisphere, of course, is Cuba; and so in the final days before the Battle of Guyana on Thanksgiving Day 1978, the trumped up MIG-23 crisis--does anyone remember that one?--was used to divert Russian attention to Cuba. Oh, we have lots and lots of wondrous secrets to talk about, don't we? Only too late did the Kremlin discover that the real target was not Cuba but Guyana.

 

THE BATTLE; THANKSGIVING DAY 1978

 

Close aides of the late Congressman Leo Ryan have reported publicly that his ill-fated decision to go to Guyana was triggered by a State Department report to him that he found totally unsatisfactory. This reaction of Ryan's had been correctly predicted and, in fact, deliberately encouraged. With elections coming up, Congressman Ryan decided to schedule the trip after the election during the Congressional recess.

 

This was a quite natural decision, and had also been anticipated by the plan­ners behind the scenes. No politician would miss the opportunity to campaign right up to election day.

 

As the time approached for his trip, the false issue of the Cuban MIG-23 crisis erupted. The Carter Administration had learned nearly a year prior that the Russians were going to send the M1G-23s to Cuba and decided that it would be a perfect pretext for a fake crisis. The MIG-23 can carry certain types of nuclear weapons as claimed; but even in this role it is a tactical weapon best suited for support of ground or naval forces.

 

The MIG-23 in and of itself does not threaten America in the same way that the 1962 Cuban missiles did; and so when the United States began playing up the MIG-23s, it was very obvious to the Kremlin that this was a deliberate ef­fort to stir up public tension over Cuba. The questions was: Exactly what was the United States up to? Would the Carter Administration be so crazy as to invade Cuba? Such a thing sounded irrational, but America's Unseen Rulers were behaving more and more irrationally.

 

This, too, was partially deliberate and was intended to keep the chess players in the Kremlin off balance, but it was also partly a result of the increasing de­gree of control over America by those Satanic schizophrenics, the Bolsheviks.

 

Cuba was, after all, very important to Russia, for Russia was looking ahead to world domination after Nuclear War I; and for that, Cuba is Russia's main beach-head in the Western Hemisphere. Even more urgently, Cuba was the un-admitted home of Russia's Caribbean Submarine Fleet, and that fleet had repeatedly moved into attack positions in the Gulf of Mexico over the prior two years and more during periods of tension.

 

As if that were not enough, there were concentrations of nuclear weapons in at least four land locations in Cuba. One was near the north coast roughly 10 miles inland southeast of Cardenas. This location is 150 miles due south of Cape Sable, Florida. A second site was about 150 miles to the east-southeast of that and about 10 miles inland from the north coast. One hundred twenty-five miles farther to the southeast was a third concentration 15 miles north­east of Marti', well inland. A fourth nuclear site was near the eastern tip of Cuba, 28 miles north-northwest of the United States Naval Base at Guan­tanamo Bay.

 

With all this at stake, American publicity over the MIG-23s caused worry in the Kremlin. And in early November the tension increased when the United States began sending SR-71 reconnaissance flights over Cuba -- shades of 1962.

 

In response, massive formations from the Atlantic, Pacific, and Caribbean Submarine Fleets of the Russian Navy began fanning out along America's east, west, and gulf coasts on November 6. They did not deploy into attack formations but their sheer numbers signaled a clear warning to Washington. At that moment they were still on station, many with neutron weaponry.

 

Then during the week immediately preceding the tragedies in Guyana the MIG-23 pseudo crisis built to a climax. Beginning on Tuesday, November 14, a huge combined American and British naval Task Force began heading to­ward Cuba. By midweek, Cuban defense forces were on full alert, and on Thursday, November 16, a group of twelve United States Senators in Moscow--supposedly to discuss the SALT talks--met with Russia's Kosygin.

 

There they pressed the alleged issue of the Cuban MIG-23 argument, calling it a "false issue". As a former test pilot and America's first astronaut in orbit, Senator Glenn knew what he was talking about, but Kosygin's anger over the other comments about the MIGS provided the United States Intelligence community with valuable proof that the decoy action toward Cuba was working. The next day, November 17, Russia publicly admitted sending MIG-23s to Cuba, calling them strictly defensive weapons.

 

The same day an editorial in the Washington Post typified the crescendo of media attention to the Cuban MIG-23s. It was titled: "A New Cuban Missile Crisis?"

 

The very next day, Saturday, November 18, Congressman Leo Ryan, three newsmen, and a woman seeking to escape from Jonestown were slaughtered at the Port Kaituma Airport. At least a dozen other people were also wounded, but there was no effort to destroy the airplane filled with terrified escapees from Jonestown. Instead, many witnesses were left alive, and a smaller plane managed to take off right after the airport massacre and report the attack in the capital, Georgetown.

 

Immediately world attention was focused on Guyana, and meanwhile the mass murder at Jonestown--wrongly called a mass suicide--was underway.

 

At this point, the elaborate decoy action toward Cuba was no longer needed, so the Pentagon announced that a routine naval exercise was in progress which would approach no closer to Cuba than 50 miles. Cuban defense forces relaxed, but the real action was only beginning in Guyana. The methodical executions of Congressman Ryan and three prominent newsmen had guaran­teed that Jonestown would shortly be in the glare of publicity. Having guaran­teed this publicity, Jim Jones then ordered the mass executions at the Jon­estown kibbutz.

 

DETAILS OF THAT MASSACRE

 

The complete details of the Jonestown disaster may never be known publicly. I can promise you, however, that very, very few who died there, took their own lives--and that is, after all, what suicide is. Many were tricked, not realizing that the death rites were real. Many more resisted, but they were weak, helpless, and confronted with armed execution squads. So by various means, several hundred people were poisoned with potassium cyanide. However, there were many others who did try to escape and who resisted more effec­tively. Many of those people were herded off into the jungle and shot without mercy.

 

Finally when the mass murder was completed, the executionists performed their final task of stage-managing the horrible death scene. In order to achieve the surprise needed in attacking the Russian missile base, it was criti­cally important that the first reports from Jonestown described the scene as a mass suicide. Only in this way could its actual military significance be hidden long enough to fool the Russians.

 

Therefore, all of the bodies free of gunshot wounds were carefully arranged in neat rows and other groupings, suggesting at first sight that everyone died willingly and deliberately. This was the scene that greeted Guyanese troops late the following day, Sunday, November 19. It was more than 24 hours after the kibbutz victims died and the executioners, including the real Jim Jones, were long gone. I will return to the matter of Jones himself later for I know you are curious as to why I keep telling you he ended up in Israel.

 

COUNTERS AFRAID OF DISEASE

 

The Guyanese troops were afraid of possible disease but counted the bodies as accurately as possible without close handling or moving the bodies. The to­tal they reported was 409 on that Sunday night. The initial impression of a mass suicide was seized upon by the controlled major media of the United States. Without waiting for an investigation, the media drummed away at the suicide image of Jonestown as if it were a proven fact. After a few days a few people did begin to raise questions, but by then the initial image of suicide had served its purpose of opening Guyana's doors to the United States.

 

For example, on Tuesday, November 21, Jim Jones' surviving son, Steven, said in a Georgetown press conference, "There's no way it could have been mass suicide." And that same day, according to the Washington Star, a Guyanese source pointed out a serious medical discrepancy in the Jonestown kibbutz death scene. He said, "If you die of cyanide, which seems to have been the poison, your body goes into spasm and contortion death, but at Jon­estown everyone looked totally relaxed."

 

The reason for this discrepancy was that by the time the Guyanese troops ar­rived, all the bodies had been rearranged. They were also placed face down for the most part. This was so that the widely publicized news photos would not ruin the desired impression of calm by letting you see the victims' final ex­pressions of agony.

 

THE NIGHTMARE CONTINUED

 

To continue the nightmare charade to fool the Russians, the United States at first publicly urged Guyana to collect and bury the hundreds of bodies. As ar­ranged, Guyana replied in effect that it was America's problem and that America should take the bodies back to the United States---just as planned. To facilitate this huge and hideous task, Guyana obligingly agreed to waive the usual Guyanese law that requires anybody to be autopsied before re­moval from the country. With this arrangement, the United States achieved the carte blanche military access to Guyana that was needed.

 

Russian intelligence realized what was afoot by early Monday, November 20, but it was already too late to stop it. Russia could hardly announce to the world that, "We have a secret nuclear missile base in Guyana and the United States is getting ready to destroy it." That would have rallied world opinion behind America; and, although Russian Cosmospheres quickly converged over Guyana, they, too, were useless in the covert conditions of battle there.

 

Their Charged Particle Beam Weapons could have made short work of the commando-style forces, but in the process they would have wiped out the Russian base itself. The Guyana missiles have become only a minor factor in Russia's military power since the Battle of the Harvest Moon the year prior. They were not valuable enough to Russia to declare open war on their ac­count. And so under these conditions, Russia was powerless to act once the Jonestown tragedy had been staged.

 

As Thanksgiving Day approached, huge American transports, helicopters, troops, and medical teams swarmed into Guyana. In a remote corner of the huge Temehri Airfield a command post was established for the twin opera­tions of Jonestown and at the Russian missile base.

 

As some of the troops began the nauseating task of cleaning up the Jonestown kibbutz, other joint attack forces were taking up positions around the missile base in preparations for the surprise raid. Meanwhile, day after day the death count reported at Jonestown remained unchanged at 409.

 

Then on Thanksgiving Day itself, the Battle of Guyana took place. Crack military forces experienced in jungle and surprise warfare moved in on the Russian complex, striking all the dispersed sites simultaneously. Like the En­tebbe raid, the battle itself did not last long. It had to be over quickly to be successful.

 

First the small crews on site near each missile were overwhelmed, and then killed. The missiles themselves were quickly disabled. Next the military forces converged on the Missile Command and Control Center, where a bloody pitched battle took place.

 

When the smoke cleared, every single person manning the missile base had been killed, including the Russian commanders.

 

When the battle was over, American helicopters from Temehri Airfield began landing within the ruined missile complex and flying out the wounded. Then the remaining attackers were left with two more jobs before they could retire from the area. First, they were under strict orders to leave no bodies in the at­tacking forces on Guyanese soil, and so the entire area was scoured until ev­ery single member of the attacking force had been accounted for. Their bod­ies, like those of the victims at Jonestown, were sealed in Vietnam-type body bags and collected in clearings where helicopters could land to pick them up.

 

Finally, the combined forces were under orders to remove the nuclear war­heads from the missiles and take them hack to Georgetown for airlift to the United States. Specially trained members of the attacking force had set to work on this task immediately after the initial attacks on the missile crews.

 

By early Friday, November 24, all the warheads had been removed. They, too, were placed in body bags, one per bag, with some jungle foliage stuffed in to give the bag a reasonable appearance.

 

Of course none of this was apparent to the reporters at Temehri Airfield, whose access to the American Command Post there was carefully controlled. When wounded members of the attacking force were flown back to the Air­field, after the Battle of Guyana on Thanksgiving afternoon, they were kept out of sight of the reporters. Otherwise, when reporters occasionally saw body bags being moved from place to place they just naturally assumed that all contained victims from Jonestown. They had no way of knowing that some contained slain Commandoes and that others contained Russian nuclear war­heads. The continual cargo of death from the Jonestown kibbutz made the perfect cover for the aftermath of the Battle of Guyana.

 

WHERE COULD THEY TAKE ALL THOSE BODIES?

 

Many reporters were totally puzzled at the choice of Dover Air Force Base in Delaware for the Guyana airlift. Most of the Jonestown victims were from California, and there is a mortuary facility, similar to the Dover facility, at Oakland Air Force Base in California. Dover was chosen to facilitate transfer of the Russian nuclear warheads to the nearby Aberdeen Proving Ground and Arsenal. This was done by means of shallow flights from Dover to Phillips Air Force Base.

 

Originally the Guyanese count of 409 had been accepted as firm by United States officials in Guyana. That had raised questions as to where the rest of the one thousand or so residents reported to be in Jonestown had gone. Fi­nally, on Thanksgiving Day, with the body clean-up operation well under way, a military spokesman told reporters, "The evaluation that we have made is simply that there were not many more people in Jonestown at the time of the suicide." But even as he spoke, the Battle of Guyana was raging at the Rus­sian missile base. By midday on Friday, the day after Thanksgiving, 485 body bags had already arrived at the Temehri Airfield. The 'bodies' of warheads from the Russian missile base were destined to raise the total far beyond the total of 409 bodies originally counted by the Guyanese at the kibbutz. It was a bad mistake, the kind of thing that happens in the heat of battle. Something had to be done, and quickly.

 

So, on that Friday after Thanksgiving, a breathless and nervous Pentagon spokesman at the Temehri Airfield made a stunning announcement over CBS television: "The original count of persons found ,dead at the Jonestown site has been found to be seriously in error. It now appear there may be as many as 780 bodies, total, found at the site. They were found simply buried under other bodies. There were larger adults that were grouped together, and un­der their bodies were found the bodies of smaller adults and children."

 

Badgered by incredulous reporters, the Government embellished the cover story later on. The Washington Star quoted the same spokesman as saying Friday night: "Near the center of the pile of bodies, near the assembly hall they were three deep in some areas. They were in layers with blankets be­tween them." Wasn't it just nice of all those people to fall over in well orches­trated and neat rows?

 

This story was so unbelievable that within two days the United States Gov­ernment dismissed its own story about the blankets as a "rumor". Still the ba­sic idea of bodies on top of bodies had to be maintained, so on Saturday, November 25, another Air Force spokesman tried to make it all sound plausi­ble in the following words: "From what I observed, the people, when they committed suicide, would line up in nice neat little circles, children in front of them, and as they died they folded into the interior of the circle." Do you wondrously blind people begin to see the absurdity of that which you believe? You swallow it hook, line, sinker and fish!

 

The Guyana cover-up was world-wide in its dimensions--it had to be. In Guyana, Deputy Prime Minister Reid made the first public announcement to the Guyanese people about Jonestown on Friday afternoon, November 24, in Parliament. Then he refused to answer questions, and rushed out to cries of "Shame, Shame" and "Cover-up" from Parliament members. And there in the United States on Thanksgiving Day, FBI Director, William Webster, said that the: "FBI Disaster Squad had positively identified the body of James Warren Jones through fingerprint identification records." But, this was not so and at that very moment Jim Jones was making good his preplanned escape from Guyana.

 

AND HOW DID JONES MANAGE TO GET OUT?

 

The plans for removal of Jones were laid well in advance. An ocean-going boat, well stocked with supplies and money, was waiting for him near the river town of Bartica, 35 miles southwest of Georgetown. In order to make his way to Bartica from Jonestown, Jones had a Safe Conduct Pass.

 

In the early morning of Thanksgiving Day, as the Battle of Guyana was begin­ning, Jones headed down stream toward Georgetown. Shortly after noon Guyana time his boat left the mouth of Essequibo River into the Atlantic Ocean.

 

From there Jones followed a complicated itinerary which was designed to prevent his being followed; but in spite of that, he was followed. From Guyana Jones headed due east for about 330 miles and then turned south, landing near La Mere, French Guiana, about 5:30 A.M. local time, November 27. From there he traveled by land to the capital of Cayenne, and took an airplane across the Atlantic Ocean to Freetown, Sierra Leone, in West Africa. From Freetown he headed north along the coast to Guinea-Bissau Airport, arriving there approximately 7:00 P.M. local time, November 28.

 

There, less than two hours later, he boarded a DC-3 and took off. His route took him eastward to Tambacounda, (Senegal); from there onward into Mali with stops at Segou, Mopti, and Gao; then onward to Agadez (Niger), and Largeau (Chad). From there his plane continued to Atbara (Sudan), and then a short final hop to Port Sudan where he arrived shortly after 4:00 A.M., November 30, local time. When he arrived at Port Sudan, Jones found a Tur­boprop Executive Transport waiting for him which was owned and operated by Israeli Intelligence. Within 20 minutes the plane took off with Jones and headed up the middle of the Red Sea toward the Gulf of Aqaba. At 6:30 A.M. local time on November 30, Jones' plane landed briefly at Elath, the back door to Israel; then on to a private airport outside of Jerusalem, arriving at 7:20 A.M. local time. From there he headed to a nearby location for an in­telligence debriefing.

 

HOW COULD THIS HAPPEN TO AN EVANGELIST?

 

After being transformed gradually into a conscious agent of the Intelligence Community over the prior six years, Jones had taken part in a joint operation by American and Israeli Intelligence in Guyana. The Israelis had contributed valuable expertise and even key lieutenants for Jones in showing how the Jon­estown kibbutz could be set up and used for the intended purposes.

 

One has only to cheek an encyclopedia to see that Jonestown was, in fact, a kibbutz. For example, the World Book Encyclopedia under the topic "ISRAEL", says: "In a collective community, called a kibbutz, the farmers share all the property and combine their labor. The village administration provides all their needs. The adults eat together in a dining hall, but married couples and single persons have private sleeping quarters. All children are raised together in a separate home. Parents visit their children for an hour or two before supper."

 

Let us look at the word "commune" as domesticated in America. It means living in a commune. There is no pure form of commune in the Israeli kib­butz. When a commune is run by persons with Satanic and schizophrenic characteristics, like those of Jim Jones, murderous and suicidal behavior are forced upon the people, as happened at Jonestown. And when this example is expanded to include an entire nation, one has a nation in the grip of Bol­shevism. It was happening to America then and you are still being led directly into national suicide.

 

Let me show you the ridiculous cost of such actions.

 

As things came to pass, the war which started between you and Russia began on that Thanksgiving Day. America lost that war in the Battle of the Harvest Moon. Of course the calculations don't work out properly because you have no notion as to what is happening nor in what order. We shall speak to these topics later. At that time the very rules of war were altered forever.

 

Russia then tried to force America "to surrender" to SALT II disarmament, but your Unseen Rulers instead stepped up preparations for a suicidal nu­clear war to be launched by the U.S.

 

The Guyana happenings gave you a preview for the entire war. By the standards of those who planned it, the Battle of Guyana was a brilliant success-‑and yet, at what cost! Many times more American lives were deliberately sacrificed than were lost by the enemy in the battle itself. In the same way, the plans still in operation will dwarf the numbers killed by the millions.

 

The Battle of Guyana was an exercise in futility, a mere scratch on the arm for Russia. It was planned before the Battle of the Harvest Moon, which ren­dered the Guyana battle obsolete before it happened.

 

Well, Jim Jones had a motto hanging over his throne in Jonestown: "THOSE WHO DO NOT REMEMBER THE PAST ARE CONDEMNED TO RE­PEAT IT."

 

Now, would any of you care to do a dissertation on what the Guyana tragedy actually had to do with religion in any manner what-so-ever. 'Tis sad indeed! And yet, you gullibly feast on the lies. So be it.

 

Dharma, enough for this day. Let us close this portion. Thank you for your service.

 

Hatonn to stand-by.  Please think upon these things most diligently for we have a long, long way to go. Salu

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